Solutions We Love

5 Ways

Support Your Sisters: A Woman in Trump World

Photo by Cody Williams

Photo by Cody Williams

Not only does Donald Trump’s policy plan for his first 100 days mention nothing about supporting women’s rights, but Trump has flaunted his misogyny, making disparaging comments about women’s looks and bragging about sexual assault. So it’s unlikely that the 20 percent wage gap between women and men will be addressed soon. Nor will Trump rush to guarantee paid family or medical leave to help care for newborn children or ill family members, responsibilities that disproportionately fall upon women.

Melissa Hellmann is a YES! reporting fellow and graduate of U.C. Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism. Follow her on Twitter @M_Hellmann.

The day after the inauguration, millions of women marched in Washington, D.C., and cities across the country to send a message to the new administration that women demand better treatment. This is what we have to do — this having each other’s back — join together to insist on a way forward even in a Trump world. Here are five actions women can take to build sisterhood.

1. Escort Other Women to the Abortion Clinic

Despite Roe v. Wade, abortion rights are being eroded in state after state. The dismantling disproportionately affects rural women, poor women, and women of color. Donate to organizations that provide reproductive health care and sex education, but also consider volunteering at a family planning clinic like Planned Parenthood. You can escort patients outside of the clinics, where women are often harassed by picketers. They could use someone to join them walking to and from the clinic.

2. “Lean In” with other women

When women help each other, we can accomplish great things. A “Lean In Circle,” inspired by Sheryl Sandberg’s book Lean In, is a small group in which women regularly meet to discuss their ambitions and help each other accomplish their goals. A circle can be an online meetup with other women around the world or a small local gathering.

3. Donate menstrual products

Periods are not only a health issue for some women living in poverty and homelessness — they can also break the bank. A year’s worth of feminine hygiene products like tampons and pads can cost more than $100. Disposable menstrual products are some of the most needed items at food pantries and homeless shelters, but donors often overlook them. Consider donating tampons and pads to your local food bank and homeless shelters to help make that time of the month easier.

4. Amplify other women’s ideas

Studies have shown that women are less likely to receive credit for their contributions in predominantly male settings. President Obama’s female staffers, who had to navigate meetings that were often two-thirds men, used a meeting technique they called “amplification,” according to the Washington Post. Here’s how it works: When a woman has an idea or makes a point, other women in the room support it and credit her, giving the contribution more weight in a room full of men who tend to hear mostly each other.

5. Step in and speak up

There are concerns that Trump’s election has publicly normalized misogyny and sexual assault. The Southern Poverty Law Center collected reports of 45 anti-woman incidents in the month following the election, and more than 80 percent of the assailants made reference to Trump during those incidents. How can women protect each other? Involve yourself. Step in when you see harassment. Speak directly to the assailant, stand beside the woman, offer to call the police. Alert a woman if you think she’s being followed, and walk with her.

Melissa Hellmann is a YES! reporting fellow and graduate of U.C. Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism. Follow her on Twitter @M_Hellmann.

Black and Blue, Chicago Tries a New Way to HealAfter Chicago apologized for years of police torture and racism, a hopeful experiment in reparations began.

Photo by Sarah-Ji

Activists block a road in Chicago in an attempt to shut down the International Association of Chiefs of Police Conference in 2015.Photo by Sarah-Ji

Somewhere between his 12th and 13th hour inside a Chicago Police Department interrogation room, Lindsey Smith decided to confess to a murder he didn’t commit. Multiple officers had pistol-whipped, stomped on, and beaten him, again and again. Convinced he would not otherwise live through the ordeal, Smith signed a false confession for the attempted murder of a 12-year-old White boy. At 17, Smith too was a boy. But with one major difference: He was Black.

Yana Kunichoff

Yana Kunichoff is an investigative journalist and producer based in Chicago. Her work focuses on policing, immigration, and education. 

Yana Kunichoff

Sarah Macaraeg is an award-winning investigative journalist with the Asian American Journalists Association’s Criminal Justice Project. She can be reached on Twitter at @seramak

Tried as an adult and convicted, Smith took a plea deal and served nearly five years in prison.

He was among the first of at least 120 young, primarily Black men whom Chicago police officers would torture into false confessions. Yet while many who suffer at the hands of the police never get justice, Smith’s story ended differently. More than 40 years later, following the passage of historic reparations legislation, he became one of the first Black people in America to be granted reparations for racial violence.

After receiving parole, Smith moved out of the city and attempted to rebuild his life. But his struggles were far from over. Given the conviction on his record, Smith faced difficulty in everything from finding work to accessing his car insurance benefits. He remained haunted by his experiences as a teen inside the interrogation room and never felt at ease in Chicago again — until May 6, 2015.

On that date, the City of Chicago signed into law an ordinance granting cash payments, free college education, and a range of social services to 57 living survivors of police torture. Explicitly defined as reparations, the ordinance also includes a formal apology from Mayor Rahm Emanuel and a mandate to teach the broader public about the torture through a memorial and public schools curriculum. The hard-won legislation, envisioned by activists, made Chicago the first, and thus far only, municipality in the country to pay reparations for racist police violence.

“I can sleep a whole lot better tonight,” Smith told local media upon the ordinance’s passage. A 61-year-old factory worker, he has since collected $100,000 in reparations.

“I’d take that night back before I took their money any day. I can never get back that time away from my family and the things I could have done,” Smith said. “But at least I can afford new shoes now.”

As the national conversation around racial disparities in the United States has broadened to include criminalization, job discrimination, school segregation, and neglect of infrastructure, so has the need for a reckoning of the institutional wrongs done to African American communities. Reparations, the concept of offering monetary or social redress for historical injustices, has found a renewed life in American public discourse and at the heart of some social movements.

With the election of Donald Trump, it seems unlikely that reparations will move forward at a national scale anytime soon. But Chicago’s ordinance provides a model for creating reparations at the local level, even in the face of daunting circumstances.

The momentum has been building for years. Reparations sparked debate on the presidential campaign trail, and, when more than 50 organizations collaborated to write the Movement for Black Lives policy platform earlier this year, they put reparations front and center.

“We wanted to put forth a set of policies that show what we really want and what would lead to a transformation of our conditions,” says Karl Kumodzi, a member of the coalition’s policy table who is active with the organizations BlackBird and Black Youth Project 100 in Brooklyn, New York. “Reparations had to be at the forefront of that.”

Since then, a Georgetown University committee has recognized that the school profited from the sale of slaves and said it would “reconcile” by naming two buildings after African Americans and by offering preferred admission status to any descendants of slaves who worked at the university.

Increasingly, the question appears not to be whether reparations are needed, but in what form and how to get them.

Most of the time, it’s still an abstract conversation. But Chicago’s $5.5 million reparations legislation is a concrete exception.

According to a city spokesperson, as of October 2016, payments have been made to the majority of the 57 recognized survivors, nine individuals have begun the process of accessing free community college, and 11 requests for prioritized access to social services have been made. Meanwhile, a city-funded community center dedicated to survivors and their families is set to open later this year, when curriculum on the torture scandal will commence in Chicago Public Schools.

Photo by Sarah-Ji

Organizers shut down business at the Fraternal Order of Police’s bank in January 2016, demanding that the city divest from the police and instead #BuildBlackFutures. Photo by Sarah-Ji

From the Black Manifesto to the Movement for Black Lives

Mary Frances Berry, a former chairperson of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, documented the country’s first struggle for reparations, which was led by ex-slaves, in her book My Face Is Black Is True. She thinks Chicago offers a model for how to win reparations across the country.

“We often hear talk about national legislation and national responses in the civil rights community. … But a lot of things can be done locally,” she says. “Chicago shows [what] can be done — and [that] other kinds of remedies for other kinds of harms can be done, like, for example, the harm done to the people in Flint.”

Berry was referencing the ongoing water crisis in Flint, Michigan, that left thousands of residents in the predominantly African American town without access to clean drinking water.

Not far from Flint, nearly 50 years ago, the Black Manifesto was launched in Detroit as one of the first calls for reparations in the modern era. Penned by James Forman, a former organizer with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and released at the 1969 National Black Economic Development Conference, the manifesto demanded $500 million in reparations from predominantly White religious institutions for their historic role in perpetuating slavery. The manifesto demanded that the money fund nine key projects aimed at building the collective wealth of Black communities: a Black university, Black presses and broadcast networks, research and training centers, and a southern land bank. A multiracial contingent of clergy in support of the Black Manifesto succeeded in raising at least $215,000 from the Episcopalian and Methodist churches through months of rancorous deliberation that ultimately tore the coalition apart.

The mantle was next assumed by the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America, or N’COBRA. Centering their demands on reparations for chattel slavery, N’COBRA gained a following throughout the early 1990s, but their demands never established a mainstream foothold.

Joe Feagin, distinguished professor of sociology at Texas A&M University, has a hunch about why that is. It has been difficult for demands for reparations for slavery to gain traction in the past, he says, because the direct link between slavery and the high rates of poverty prevalent in contemporary Black communities is not widely understood, let alone acknowledged.

“When you focus on slavery, it’s easy for Whites to say all the Whites are dead and all the Blacks are dead,” Feagin said.

But that’s not true for Jim Crow segregation, Feagin pointed out, citing a study on “segregation stress syndrome” based on interviews with 100 elderly African Americans in the South. The study revealed that 80 percent of the participants’ families had suffered extreme violence in the form of lynching, rape, attempted rape, and home invasions. “They can name the White families who were involved,” Feagin said.

But with the publication of Ta-Nehisi Coates’ landmark article “The Case for Reparations,” in 2014, the living legacy of White supremacy became difficult to deny. Detailing the systematic “plunder” of Black communities, Coates’ work tracks multiple Chicagoans living the outcomes of generations of racism — demonstrating a legacy of impoverishment that runs from slavery, sharecropping, and Jim Crow to housing discrimination and economic hardship today.

As for solutions, Coates called for support of H.R. 40, federal legislation that seeks to form a commission on reparations. Sponsored by John Conyers, D-Mich., ranking member of the House Judiciary Committee and a founding member of the Congressional Black Caucus, H.R. 40 aims “to examine the institution of slavery and its legacy, like racial disparities in education, housing, and healthcare” and then “recommend appropriate remedies to Congress.” First introduced in 1989, H.R. 40 has been reintroduced by Conyers in every session of Congress since — and subsequently mired in the House of Representatives’ Subcommittee on the Constitution and Civil Justice, currently chaired by Trent Franks, R-Ariz.

But although H.R. 40 has languished, other reparations legislation has prevailed at both the state and federal levels. In 1988, President Ronald Reagan signed a bill providing $20,000 to each of the approximately 65,000 living Japanese Americans who had been interned during World War II, prompting Congress to allocate $1.25 billion. A few years later, the state of Florida approved $2.1 million for the living survivors of a 1923 racial pogrom that resulted in multiple deaths and the decimation of the Black community in the town of Rosewood.

More recently, in 2014, the state of North Carolina set aside $10 million for reparations payments to living survivors of the state’s eugenics program, which forcibly sterilized approximately 7,600 people. Last year, the state of Virginia, one of more than 30 other states that practiced forced sterilizations, followed North Carolina’s lead and will soon begin awarding $25,000 to each survivor.

Meanwhile, the five-point outline for reparations in the Movement for Black Lives platform broadens the conversation. Spanning a demand for services focused on healing from trauma to access to free education and cash support in the form of a “guaranteed livable income,” the policy platform was built on decades of experience, research, and values long held by the Black radical tradition — galvanized further by the victory in Chicago, says Kumodzi.

“What they won offers clear examples of reparations being more than just a check, but rather a set of initiatives and investments that address the economic, psychological, educational, and health impacts of the harm that’s been done,” Kumodzi says.

Photo by Scott Langley / Amnesty International

Torture survivor Anthony Holmes speaks at an Amnesty International rally in Chicago. Photo by Scott Langley / Amnesty International

How they did it

So how’d they do it?

According to sociologist Tressie McMillan Cottom, there are three key components to a reparations program: acknowledgement, restitution, and closure. In addition, for an offered recompense to be reparations, it must be specific to alleviating or directing resources at the harm caused.

In many ways, the movement for reparations in Chicago started out of a lack of acknowledgement. Communities in Chicago had spent years fighting for legal redress for survivors of police torture under Commander Jon Burge and his officers, who for nearly three decades tortured more than 120 Black and Latino men into confessing to crimes they didn’t commit.

Their first effort was legal: to bring the weight of the law against Jon Burge and officers under his command and to achieve retrials for the wrongfully convicted people still imprisoned. The statute of limitations had expired on many of the alleged cases of police torture, but Burge was eventually brought to trial and sentenced for perjury.

Attorney Joey Mogul had been litigating cases on behalf of people who claimed to be victims of Burge’s torture squad for more than two decades by the time the commander was brought into court. But looking around at the torture survivors she had been working with, especially those asked to dredge up painful memories for Burge’s trial, Mogul realized the victory of his conviction for perjury and obstruction of justice was a hollow one.

“It didn’t bring them peace or relief,” she said. She points to the case of Anthony Holmes, who said he was tortured by officers under Burge in 1973 and went on to serve the full 33-and-a-half-year sentence for murder before being exonerated. “Anthony Holmes … struggles with trauma to this day. There [were] no psychological services for him whatsoever.”

Mogul and Alice Kim, an activist whose work amplifying the voices of Burge victims on death row was instrumental in winning a moratorium in Illinois, started the Chicago Torture Justice Memorials along with several others. From there grew the idea of a city ordinance as a way to recognize the city’s legacy of torture.

The ordinance was drafted in 2012 and included a request for financial compensation, as well as a curriculum to teach about the Burge tortures in Chicago Public Schools and free enrollment in the city’s community colleges.

Then, in October 2013, following the city’s settlement with two police torture victims, Rahm Emanuel attempted to close the book on the issue by urging Chicago to “all move on.” That spurred outrage — and an increased urgency to push the ordinance before the City Council.

The group found an alderman friendly with the mayor to bring it into committee. At the same time, a coalition was forming that would bring the burgeoning power of the Black Lives Matter movement to the fight for reparations. The next year, the group upped its efforts, ranging from protests to meetings with city officials. After decades of organizing around the Burge tortures, the ordinance passed in the spring.

“We fought outside the legal box,” said Mogul. “What we gained, what we won, was more expansive than any court could have provided.”

In January 2016, the checks to individual torture victims went into the mail. The city has agreed to provide three additional years of funding while the curriculum and memorial planning are underway.

However, the ordinance limits financial relief to people tortured during Burge’s exact time on the force — from May 1,1972 to November 30, 1991 — despite evidence that it continued after he left. More than 20 known Burge survivors remain incarcerated today, according to lawyers with the reparations committee.

For the Chicago Torture Justice Memorials team, the gains of reparations serve as a starting point and reminder of all there is to be done.

“The glass is only half full because until we get those other brothers back to court and get fair and impartial hearings into their allegations of having been tortured, then this fight must continue” said Darrell Cannon, a survivor of Burge’s police torture.

The hard-won legislation, envisioned by activists, made Chicago the first, and thus far only, municipality in the country to pay reparations for racist police violence.

Moving forward

Aislinn Pulley, a co-founder of Black Lives Matter Chicago, considers the city’s effort one of the most powerful examples of reparations. “Chicago … created new possibilities of what transformative justice, holistic justice can look like and, in addressing the modern problems of policing, helps us envision new demands and possibilities of justice,” she said.

What’s more, activists like Janaé Bonsu, who worked on the reparations campaign, have taken their experience in Chicago and run with it. As national public policy chair of Black Youth Project 100, she has fought in recent months to keep open the historically Black Chicago State University in Illinois and to partially “defund the police” in municipal budgets nationwide, advocating for the funding of programs benefitting Black communities in need of services instead.

Bonsu sees clear next steps for where the fight for reparations needs to move. “I think the conversation of reparations should be expanded to thinking about the war on drugs, in thinking about [housing] redline policies — in all the ways systemic racism can be proved,” said Bonsu.

The story of Chicago’s ordinance suggests that local campaigns have the potential to broaden reparations in each of these ways. But in the absence of a national policy, how much harm can be mitigated by local laws? If hundreds of Chicago-style ordinances were replicated in every town or state where demonstrable, systemic harm can be proved, how far would they go in addressing centuries of wrong meted out by the state against African Americans and other vulnerable communities?

Kumodzi says that reparations are needed on multiple fronts: for both specific harms, such as those wrought by Chicago’s police torture ring, and oppressive systems as a whole. There needs to be an analysis of reparations, not just for very specific cases that require proof, but also for the intergenerational, community-wide, and lasting impacts of systems like slavery and policing. “They also have the same consequences, the same needs of their families, the same lasting traumatic effects.”

However, under a Trump presidency, Kumodzi says, priorities in organizing will shift because conditions have shifted: The state and city levels can be a powerful means for keeping the larger dream of national reparations alive.

“Our vision for the world that we want to live in, our demands, our understanding of the policies that are going to get us towards that vision, that’s not going to change, that’s gonna stay the same for the long haul — whether it’s four years, two years, 10 years,” he said. “There’s been a lot of harms. Reparations have to be done to address those harms.”

Yana Kunichoff

Yana Kunichoff is an investigative journalist and producer based in Chicago. Her work focuses on policing, immigration, and education. 

Yana Kunichoff

Sarah Macaraeg is an award-winning investigative journalist with the Asian American Journalists Association’s Criminal Justice Project. She can be reached on Twitter at @seramak

People We Love

Advocates for Immigrants

Alexandra Rizio

Alexandra Rizio

Defending children from deportation

Alexandra Rizio has long fought for refugees in her professional life, starting as a volunteer with the Refugee and Immigrant Fund in Queens, New York. Today, she is a senior staff attorney at Safe Passage Project, where she also serves as co-coordinator of the Unaccompanied Latin American Minor Project (ULAMP), a collaboration with City University of New York’s John Jay College of Criminal Justice that provides pro bono legal assistance to children in deportation proceedings.

In 2014, when parts of Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala saw a brutal uptick in violence and poverty, many children fled, some without an adult to shepherd them to safety. After making it across the U.S. border, says Rizio, children often are detained immediately, then sent to foster homes or relatives elsewhere. And their journeys are just beginning.

“We’ll show up on their first day of court with volunteer attorneys and translators,” Rizio says. “If it weren’t for organizations like Safe Passage and others, they would literally be on their own facing the judge.” Since ULAMP teamed up with Safe Passage in 2014, attorneys have represented 830 children in New York state and spared 208 children from deportation.

Enrique Morones

Enrique Morones

An angel to immigrants on the border

For years, Enrique Morones helped Mexican immigrants by leaving water bottles, food, and blankets along the California border, through the Imperial Valley desert and mountainous regions of San Diego County.

Then in 2001, Morones, then an executive with the San Diego Padres, left his job and took his involvement to a higher level: He established the volunteer organization Border Angels and began speaking out across the country for immigration reform.

Since then, Morones has seen the U.S.-Mexico border transform into a national flashpoint for immigration, from protests to the formation of vigilante militias that threaten to shoot people crossing the border. Over the past 18 years, more than 6,000 people have died making the dangerous trek.

Meanwhile, Border Angels has expanded its mission by providing food to immigrants at day-laborer sites and, with the help of Border Patrol, organizing “Opening the Door of Hope” events that enable families who are separated by the border to visit.

Since the election, volunteer interest in Border Angels has soared.

“People are scared,” Morones says. “But our organization is standing by [migrants] to make sure they’re protected.”

Gader Ibrahim

Gader Ibrahim

Bringing necessities to young refugees in need

In 2014, a few years into the Syrian civil war, there were 1 million people in refugee camps in Jordan. That same year, Gader Ibrahim visited one of those camps and saw children sleeping in the snow and wandering idle and scared. So she organized blanket and toy drives and personally delivered the supplies to children on both sides of the border. After the war in Syria escalated, she moved from Jordan to the United States and, in 2015, founded Operation Refugee Child (ORC), a program that delivers backpacks full of necessities to refugee camps in Greece.

“We’re focusing on the kids and giving them backpacks because we know they have nothing and they have a long way to go,” Ibrahim says.

Ibrahim stages part of her effort in Athens and two other Greek cities, home to large refugee camps for people fleeing to Europe and Canada. There, Ibrahim and her team of four volunteers distribute backpacks with items like toys, blankets, toothbrushes, protein bars, raincoats, and underwear. And through its Hope Box program, ORC has sent 10,000 pounds of donations, most in the form of food. To date, Ibrahim and her team have given 6,000 backpacks in the United States and overseas.

Commentary

How to Hold on to Democracy Even in a Polarized Nation

Donald Trump’s obvious affection for authoritarians is prompting worried comparisons of our polarized country to the polarized Germany of the 1920s and ’30s. Since I’m known to see in polarization both crisis and opportunity, my friends are asking me these days about Hitler, the worst-case scenario.

George Lakey

George Lakey recently retired from Swarthmore College, where he was Eugene M. Lang Visiting Professor for Issues in Social Change. While there, he wrote Viking Economics after interviewing economists and others in the Nordic countries. It is his ninth book, all of which have been about change and how to achieve it.

I grant the possibility of the United States going fascist, but argue that will not happen if we choose the practical steps taken by progressive Nordic social movements when they faced dangerous polarization. Consider the Norwegians, who experienced extreme polarization at the same time as the Germans did.

The Norwegian economic elite organized against striking laborers and produced a polarized country that included both Nazi Brown Shirts goose-stepping in the streets and Norwegian Communists agitating to overthrow capitalism. Many Norwegians were flattered by the Nazi belief that the tall, blue-eyed blonde was the pinnacle of human development. Others vehemently denounced the racism underlying such beliefs.

The politician Vidkun Quisling, an admirer of Hitler, organized in 1933 a Nazi party, and its uniformed paramilitary wing sought to provoke violent clashes with leftist students. But progressive movements of farmers and workers, joined by middle class allies, launched nonviolent direct action campaigns that made the country increasingly un-governable by the economic elite.

Quisling reportedly held discussions with military officers about a possible coup d’etat. The stage was set for a fascist “solution.”

Instead, Norway broke through to a social democracy. The majority forced the economic elite to take a back seat and invented a new economy with arguably the most equality, individual freedom, and shared abundance the developed world has known.

The key to avoiding fascism? An organized left with a strong vision and broad support.

In some ways Norway and Germany were similar: predominantly Christian, racially homogeneous, and suffering hugely in the Great Depression. But Germany’s workers movement failed to make common cause with family farmers, unlike Norway’s alliance. The German left was also split terribly within itself: Communist vs. Social Democratic.

The split was over vision for the new society. One side demanded abolition of capitalism, and the other side proposed partial accommodation. They were unwilling to compromise, and then, when the Social Democrats took power, armed rebellion and bloody repression followed. The result was the Third Reich.

Meanwhile in Norway, the Norwegian Workers’ Party crafted a vision that seemed both radical and reasonable and won majority support for their view despite the dissent of a very small Communist Party. Grassroots movements built a large infrastructure of co-ops that showed their competency and positivity when the government and political conservatives lacked both. Additionally, activists reached beyond the choir, inviting participation from people who initially feared making large changes.

Norwegians also took a different attitude toward violence. They chose nonviolent direct action campaigns consisting of strikes, boycotts, demonstrations, and occupations—a far less fearsome picture than Nazi Brown Shirts and street fighting. Norway therefore lacked the dangerous chaos that in Germany led the middle classes to accept the elite’s choice of Hitler to bring “law and order.”

The Norwegian set of strategies— vision, co-ops, outreach, and nonviolent direct action campaigns—are within the American skill set.

The Movement for Black Lives recently proposed a new vision for the United States that is attracting attention for the scope of its agenda, its commitment to inclusion, and fresh strategic thinking. The Black Lives movement showed its commitment to coalition-building when it gathered in solidarity at Standing Rock this fall, connecting two massive progressive movements. Standing Rock showed the world march by march how nonviolent direct action campaigns win hearts and minds. And Bernie Sanders’ gift to electoral politics is an inspired, energized, unified movement built around the desire for economic equality and opportunity. He pulled people from the right as well as the left. The election is spurring many more people to be involved in struggle, and infrastructure like co-ops are prospering. Polarization is nothing to despair over. It’s just a signal that it’s time for progressives to start organizing.

George Lakey

George Lakey recently retired from Swarthmore College, where he was Eugene M. Lang Visiting Professor for Issues in Social Change. While there, he wrote Viking Economics after interviewing economists and others in the Nordic countries. It is his ninth book, all of which have been about change and how to achieve it.

The Page That Counts

The Numbers That Define Our World

Number of citizens China’s economic growth lifted from poverty between 1978 and 2014 800 million 1

Number of Chinese citizens who die from air pollution each year 1.6 million 2

Percentage of Chinese citizens willing to trade a better economy for cleaner air 50 3

Percentage of Americans born in 1940 who earned more than their parents by age 30 92 4

Of those born in 1985 50

Percentage increase in median income of male workers between 1940 and 1970 141 5

Of male workers between 1985 and 2015 37

Number of New York City police officers in 2016 33 million 6

Number of officers wearing body cameras in 2016 after a federal judge ordered them to do so in 2013 0

Percentage of food that goes uneaten in the U.S. 40 7

Monetary equivalent of a year’s worth of wasted food $165 billion

Number of people who could be fed each year by reducing food waste by 15 percent 25 million

Average number of military veterans who died from suicide each day in 2014 20 8

Percentage of those veterans who used Department of Veterans Affairs services 30

Percentage of veterans who reported getting care as soon as needed 50 9

Percentage increase of business tax rate imposed in December on Portland, Oregon, companies that paid their CEOs at least 100 times more than their average workers 10 10

Estimated amount of new annual revenue that surtax is expected to generate $2.5 million

Amount of tax revenue generated by recreational cannabis sales in Oregon from January through November 2016 $54.5 million 11

U.S. deaths that occurred from 1980 to 2014 80.4 million 12

Number of those deaths that were assigned “garbage codes,” vague terms that don’t indicate a specific cause 19.4 million

Miles of the 1,954-mile border with Mexico that are in Texas (the state with the most) 1,254

Number of lawmakers Texas sends to Congress 38

Number of them who are Republican 25

Number on record in December supporting Trump’s border wall proposal 31.5 million 13

Complete citations at yesmagazine.org/ptc81

1. World Economic Forum 2. Berkeley Earth 3. Pew Research Center 4. Equality of Opportunity 5. U.S. Census, adjusted for inflation 6. The New York Times 7. Natural Resource Defense Council 8. U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs 9. RAND Corporation 10. City of Portland 11. Oregon Department of Revenue 12. Dwyer-Lindgren, et al; U.S. County-Level Trends in Mortality Rates for Major Causes of Death, 1980–2014 13. The Week, Jan. 26, 2017